机经真题 18 Passage 1

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Leaving Home in Preindustrial Europe

纠错

The passage supports which of the following statements about the view of historian John Gillis?

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  • A
    He was not accurate about the extent to which children left home or the extent to which those who left maintained ties to their families.
  • B
    He believed that children who were seven or eight years old were more likely to work outside the home than older children were.
  • C
    He was one of the first historians to conclude that leaving home was a gradual process for children in preindustrial Europe.
  • D
    He incorrectly thought that the majority of older children who left home ended up working in cities.
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正确答案: A

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  • 译文
  • The Industrial Revolution, which began as early as roughly 1750 in Britain and as late as the early twentieth century in parts of eastern Europe, caused social changes throughout Europe as factory work replaced older forms of labor. For children, factory work often meant leaving home for distant locations. Yet historians long believed that European children commonly left home for work even before the Industrial Revolution. In 1974 the historian John Gillis proposed that in preindustrial Europe children often left home by the age of seven or eight, and by the age of fourteen, most were living semi-independently away from home as servants, apprentices (workers learning a specialized trade), or students. Yet research since the 1970s has modified the picture considerably. To begin with, there were parts of Europe where the young rarely left home before marriage. In Mediterranean culture it was not considered appropriate for a young, single woman to work outside her own household.



    Keeping children at home until marriage was often associated with large extended family structures, where working away from home was comparatively rare. The logic for such families in France, Italy, or Russia was to assemble a large number of unpaid workers from their own ranks to farm land owned by others. A noted case study from Russia investigated an estate composed of many large, multigenerational families where nearly half the male children could expect to pass their entire lives not only within their village of origin but also within their household of birth. Female children married early, usually under the age of twenty, and it was generally the bride who left the parental household at this point to live with the groom.



    Slightly different was the case of tenant farm families in a village in the grand duchy of Tuscany (modern Italy), between 1819 and 1859. Here it was not uncommon for male children in their teens to leave home temporarily to become a farm servant or to take up an apprenticeship, but as in the Russian example, they would later remain in the household with their new brides. Female children, by contrast, usually left home definitively upon marriage during their twenties or early thirties.



    Secondly, it is now clear that leaving home as early as the age of seven or eight would have been very much the exception in northern Europe, rather than the rule. Instead, the movement was a very gradual one. Studies in a number of regions suggest that only the very poorest children left home this early.Fritz Pauk, born in northern Germany in 1888, was a case in point. He first left home at the age of eight to work on a neighboring farm over the summer months, to help his impoverished single mother.Although many parents might have been eager to have one less mouth to feed, they had to contend with the general reluctance of farmers to hire small youngsters unsuited to most of the work on the land.The movement away from home therefore did not start in earnest until the young reached their early or even mid-teens.



    Thirdly, the semi-independence of young people who left home mentioned by Gillis is now better documented than before. Above all, it is clear that it was often a protracted process, rather than the clean break with the family that the term might suggest. Children who went off to another village or to a town usually remained in contact with their parents, sometimes sent their wages home, and often made more than one move before finally setting up their own household upon marriage. This was possible because of the short distance and temporary nature of most migrational movements, including those of young male children and female children in their teens and early twenties. The outstanding exception was the big cities of Europe, which could attract migrants over long distances. Recent research reveals that during the nineteenth century, nearly as many migrants left cities and towns as entered them. Migration to the city worked more like a complex two-way current than a simple one-way movement. This meant that for young people who left home in villages there was the possibility of an emotional break from parents and some personal autonomy. Such a step from childhood to youth, and ultimately to adulthood, could be psychologically difficult, but it was evidently tempered in most cases by the maintenance of close family ties.


  • 工业革命大约在1750年早期始于英国,而在东欧部分地区则迟至二十世纪初才开始。随着工厂工作取代了旧的劳动形式,它在整个欧洲引起了社会变革。对于儿童而言,工厂工作通常意味着离开家到遥远的地方工作。然而,历史学家们长期以来认为,即使在工业革命之前,欧洲的孩子们通常就会离家工作。1974年,历史学家约翰·吉利斯提出,在前工业化的欧洲,孩子们往往在七八岁时就离开家,到十四岁时,大多数孩子已经半独立地生活在外,担任仆人、学徒(学习专门手艺的工人)或学生。然而,自20世纪70年代以来的研究大大修正了这一观点。首先,欧洲有一些地区的年轻人很少在结婚前离家。在地中海文化中,不认为一个年轻的单身女性在自己家庭之外工作是合适的。

    让孩子们在结婚前一直留在家中通常与大家庭结构有关,这种情况下在外工作相对罕见。法国、意大利或俄罗斯这样的家庭的逻辑是,从自己的家族中召集大量无偿工人,去耕种他人拥有的土地。在俄罗斯的一项著名案例研究中,研究了一处由许多大规模的多代同堂家庭组成的庄园,接近一半的男孩子可能一生都不仅生活在他们的家乡村庄内,还生活在他们出生的那个家庭中。女孩子早婚,通常在二十岁以前,并且一般在这个时候新娘离开父母的家庭去与新郎住在一起。

    情况略有不同的是1819年至1859年间,托斯卡纳大公国(现代意大利)的一个村庄里的佃农家庭。在这里,十几岁的男孩子暂时离家成为农场仆人或学徒是很常见的,但就像在俄罗斯的例子中一样,他们后来会与新娘一起留在家庭中。而相较之下,女孩子则通常在二十多岁或三十出头结婚时永久离开家。

    其次,现在很明显,在北欧七八岁就离开家的情况是非常罕见的,而不是普遍的做法。相反,这种离家趋势是非常逐渐的。多个地区的研究表明,只有最贫困的孩子才会这么早离开家。弗里茨·鲍克,1888年出生于德国北部,就是一个例子。他第一次在八岁时离开家,夏季在邻近的农场工作,以帮助贫困的单身母亲。尽管许多父母可能急于少养一个口,但他们不得不面对农场主普遍不愿意雇用不适合大部分农活的小孩子的情况。因此,离家一般要等到孩子们到了十几岁的早期甚至中期才真正开始。

    再次提到,关于吉利斯提到的离开家的年轻人的半独立状态,现在的资料比以前更加详尽。最重要的是,显然这个过程通常是一个长期的过程,而不是这个术语可能暗示的与家庭的一刀两断。去另一个村庄或城镇的孩子们通常会与父母保持联系,有时会把工资寄回家,通常在结婚前建立自己的家庭之前,会有多次搬迁。这可能是因为大多数迁移活动的距离短且性质暂时,包括少年男孩和十几岁到二十出头的女孩的迁移活动。显著的例外是欧洲的大城市,它们可以吸引远距离的移民。最近的研究显示,在十九世纪,几乎有与进入城市和城镇的人数相当的移民离开了城市。迁移到城市更像是一个复杂的双向流动,而不是单向流动。这意味着对于从村庄离开家的年轻人来说,可能会出现情感上的与父母分离和一定的个人自治。这种从童年到青少年,最后到成年的步骤在心理上可能是困难的,但显然在大多数情况下,通过保持密切的家庭联系得到了缓和。
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    1 感谢 不懂
    解析
    【答案】A
    【题型】事实信息题
    【解析】
    历史学家John Gillis提出,在前工业化的欧洲,孩子们在七八岁时通常会离开家,到十四岁时大部分已经半独立地生活在外,担任仆人、学徒或学生。然而,后来的研究修改了这一说法,显示儿童在这么年轻时离开家的情况实际上是少数,并且许多孩子在离开家后仍保持与家庭的联系。
    文章提到,“研究自1970年代以来已大大修改了这种看法。首先,对于孩子早在七八岁就离家这种情况,在北欧实际上是例外而非常态。”“In Mediterranean culture it was not considered appropriate for a young, single woman to work outside her own household.” 这表明Gillis对儿童离家年龄的看法并不准确。
    另外,文章还指出,“半独立的情况比Gillis提到的更为复杂。”“It was clear that it was often a protracted process, rather than the clean break with the family that the term might suggest.” 说明很多孩子离开家后依然与家人保持联系,反驳了Gillis关于与家人完全断绝联系的观点。
    因此选项A反映了文章中对John Gillis观点的讨论和反驳,即他的观点关于儿童离家的广泛性及他们离家后与家庭联系的情况并不准确。
    其他选项分析: 
    B. He believed that children who were seven or eight years old were more likely to work outside the home than older children were.
    这个选项说John Gillis认为七八岁的孩子比更大的孩子更有可能在家外工作。但是文章没有提到Gillis有这种比较,只是说他认为孩子们在七八岁时就通常离开家。所以这个选项是不准确的。
    C. He was one of the first historians to conclude that leaving home was a gradual process for children in preindustrial Europe.
    这个选项说Gillis是第一个得出儿童离家是一个渐进过程的历史学家之一。实际上,文章中并没有提到任何有关Gillis认为离家是一个渐进过程的细节,相反,文章反而用后来研究得出的渐进过程(离家是逐渐的,而不是一个干脆的断绝)来反驳Gillis。所以这个选项是不准确的。
    D. He incorrectly thought that the majority of older children who left home ended up working in cities.
    这个选项说Gillis错误地认为大多数离家较晚的孩子最终会在城市工作。文章中并没有提到Gillis有这种观点,只是说他认为孩子们早在七八岁时就离开家,到十四岁时已经半独立。所以这个选项是不准确的。

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