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段落1

Listen to part of a lecture in a history class.

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听一段历史课上的讲座片段。

段落2

Professor: The 1700s and 1800s were a time of major change in Europe. During this period there was a shift from relatively small-scale manual production by artisans, so-called artisanal production, to factory-based mass production of various goods. Factories were more efficient and productive for a variety of reasons. Mass production led to profound social and economic changes as people relocated from the countryside to the new factory towns. Now historians frequently claimed that mechanization-the introduction of machines, was the driving force behind many of the changes experienced during this period. But I'd like to show you how this shift occurred in a different part of the world, in the north African city of Tunis.

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教授:18至19世纪的欧洲经历了重大变革。这一时期,生产模式从工匠主导的相对小规模的手工制作--即所谓的手工艺生产,转向工厂化的大规模商品生产。工厂之所以更加高效和多产,有诸多原因。随着人们从乡村迁往新兴的工业城镇,大规模生产引发了深远的社会经济变革。如今,史学家常认为机械化——即机器的引入——是这一时期诸多变革的核心驱动力。但我想通过北非城市突尼斯的案例,向你们展示这种转变在另一个地区是如何发生的。

段落3

In the 1700s, Tunis officially became part of the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman Empire included parts of northern Africa, southeastern Europe, and southwestern Asia. Its capital was Istanbul in today's Turkey. Long before Tunis became an Ottoman city, though, it had a thriving hat-making industry which had flourished there since at least the 1400s. Tunisian artisans were famous for producing one particular style of hat, the fez or fez hat. A fez is a cylinder-shaped brimless hat made of red felt wool. It's usually decorated with a silk tassel that hangs down one side, much like the tassel on the mortarboard cap worn by students at some graduation ceremonies.

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18世纪,突尼斯正式成为奥斯曼帝国的一部分。奥斯曼帝国的疆域涵盖北非部分地区、东南欧和西南亚,首都位于今土耳其的伊斯坦布尔。不过,早在突尼斯归属奥斯曼之前,这里就存在繁荣的制帽业,且至少从15世纪起便已经兴盛。突尼斯工匠以生产一种特殊风格的帽子--菲斯帽(fez)而闻名。 菲斯帽是一种无檐圆柱形红毡帽,通常装饰有垂于一侧的丝质流苏,与某些毕业典礼上学生所戴的方形帽(mortarboard cap)的流苏颇为相似。

Student: Oh yeah, after receiving their diploma, the graduates move their tassel from the right side of the cap to the left.

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学生:哦对,毕业生拿到学位后会把流苏从帽子右侧移到左侧。

Professor: Yes, that's the tradition in some schools. Anyway, for many decades, the fez hat was the main product exported through the port of Tunis. We have historical records showing that in 1760, for example, 660,000 hats were produced in Tunis. By the late 1700s, an estimated 5,000 workers were involved in fez making, in urban workshops and in the surrounding suburbs. There were also shepherds who raised sheep that provided the wool for the hats, people who knitted fezes in their homes, and dyers who dipped the hats in large vats of red dye. Packaging, labeling, and transport supporting fez hats became important supportive industries.

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教授:是的,这是部分学校的传统。言归正传,数十年间,菲斯帽一直是突尼斯港口出口的主要商品。史料显示,例如在1760年,突尼斯生产了66万顶菲斯帽。至18世纪末,约有5000名工匠参与制作,分布在城市工坊和郊区。产业链还包括提供羊毛的牧羊人、在家中编织帽坯的工人,以及在大染缸中把帽子浸染红色的染匠。包装、贴标和运输等配套产业也随之发展。

But as popular as the fez was in earlier centuries, it wasn't until the 1800s that demand for fez hats skyrocketed throughout the Ottoman world. This was partly the result of growing urban populations. The fez was a city hat for its city people, very fashionable. And also the Ottoman state-the government, was having more of a say in how things were done in the empire, including what people wore on their head. The fez became the compulsory headgear for the Ottoman military as well as for all government officials. You might say that the fez symbolized Ottoman identity for men, even as its popularity spread beyond the empire's borders.

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但尽管菲斯帽在早期已广受欢迎,其需求的激增在19世纪才真正席卷整个奥斯曼,而一部分原因是城市化进程。菲斯帽是城市居民的时尚标志。此外,奥斯曼政府加强了对帝国事务的管控,包括人们的头饰。菲斯帽成为奥斯曼军队和政府官员的强制着装。可以说,菲斯帽象征着男性的奥斯曼身份,其影响力甚至超越了帝国疆界。

Now, in response to this massive demand, the Tunis workshops had become so large and productive that they were more like factories than workshops. And note this: no machines were involved at this point. But soon there was another development-new competitors began to emerge, and Tunis lost its monopoly over the fez-making industry. Rival producers went to great lengths to steal trade secrets, like the special dyeing and knitting processes that Tunisians had perfected over time. Other Ottoman cities had started producing the hats. By 1830, Cairo, for example, was home to a factory that employed two thousand fez makers. Fezzes were also produced in France, Italy, and Austria. Growing supply began to unravel Tunis's main industry. Money and jobs there were lost. The traditional production networks and divisions of labor began to collapse.

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面对激增的需求,突尼斯的工坊规模和生产效率已接近工厂水平。但值得注意的是,此时仍未引入任何机器。然而,新的竞争者很快涌现,突尼斯逐渐失去对菲斯帽产业的垄断。对手用尽一切手段窃取突尼斯人长期以来完善的商业机密,包括染色和编织工艺等。1830年,开罗等奥斯曼城市已出现拥有2000名工匠的工厂,法国、意大利和奥地利也开始生产菲斯帽。供应的增长最终瓦解了突尼斯的核心产业,当地资金与工作岗位流失,传统生产网络和分工体系崩溃了。

What does this story tell us? Well, as I mentioned, there's a tendency to attribute the rise of mass production and its related social changes to mechanization. But in fez making, local workshops became a source of international mass production even before machines were introduced. Globalization increased governmental control and urbanization drove increases in demand and production capacity. That, in turn, led to increased competition, a disruption to local jobs, and the collapse of traditional artisanal models.

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这个故事告诉我们了什么?如我所述,人们常将大规模生产及其社会变革归因于机械化。但在菲斯帽案例中,国际化的量产早在机器应用前便通过本土工坊实现。全球化进程、政府管控强化和城市化共同推高了需求与产能,进而引发竞争加剧、本土就业受损和传统手工业模式的崩塌。
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